Comment on: Forearm oxygenation and blood flow kinetics during a sustained contraction in multiple ability groups of rock climbers

We read with interest the authors’ paper on this important area of climbing physiology. We however wish to highlight the incorrect identification of flexor carpi radialis (FCR) as a finger flexor and the implications it has for the conclusions described. FCR is a wrist flexor and has no direct bearing on flexion of the fingers during a climbing grip and thus could be expected to have a reduced oxygenation response compared to flexor digitorum profundus. We also would like to seek clarification from the authors regarding their confidence in their method for locating the two muscles under investigation as we feel this may not be accurately possible using the method described.     

Distributional effects of educational improvements: Are we using the wrong model?

Measuring the incidence of public spending in education requires an intergenerational framework distinguishing between what current and future generations—that is, parents and children—give and receive. In standard distributional incidence analysis, households are assumed to receive a benefit equal to what is spent on their children enrolled in the public schooling system and, implicitly, to pay a fee proportional to their income. We show that, in an intergenerational framework, this is equivalent to assuming perfectly altruistic individuals, in the sense of the dynastic model, and perfect capital markets. But in practice, credit markets are imperfect and poor households cannot borrow against the future income of their children. We show that under such circumstances, standard distributional incidence analysis may greatly over-estimate the progressivity of public spending in education: educational improvements that are progressive in the long-run steady state may actually be regressive for the current generation of poor adults. This is especially true where service delivery in education is highly inefficient—as it is in poor districts of many developing countries—so that the educational benefits received are relatively low in comparison with the cost of public spending. Our results have implications for both policy measures and analytical approaches.     

Who owns the curriculum of higher education?

The European University has passed through four main phases of dominance of the curriculum since its medieval origin. They are (1) priestly, (2) aristocratic, (3) professional, (4) democratic. Vestigial remains of (1), (2) and (3) are still with us and (4), the rise of student/consumer sovereignty, has implications which the British universities still fail to accept. We need universities for the scholarly few and higher education, pluralistically funded, for everyone.     

HOMES AND SCHOOLS: SOCIAL DETERMINANTS OF EDUCABILITY

An investigation was carried out to ascertain how 700 children aged seven to 15 (half boys and half girls), acquired the ability to define certain moral concepts, how they decided on whether an action was right or wrong, and what influenced the acquisitional process. The results showed older age‐groups gaining significantly higher mean scores in defining concepts, with a sex difference favouring girls, but no significant social class differences. However, even older age‐groups encountered difficulties with some concepts, e.g. ‘doing right’ and ‘being good’. In deciding whether an action was right or wrong, more older children claimed they decided for themselves, and a significantly higher number of older girls stated that they did so. The sample claimed that their mothers had been a major influence in acquiring moral concepts, much more so than peer‐groups. The mass media was not thought by the sample to be accepted uncritically, and the church was believed to help them most. Evidence from this research would suggest that the teacher's contribution, to the acquisition of moral concepts during the early school years, seems highly relevant.