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Neil Burtonwood 《Educational studies》1998,24(3):295-304
This article is concerned with recent attempts to balance the claims for political citizenship in a liberal democracy (liberalism) with competing claims for cultural identity within traditional non‐liberal communities (communitarianism). Claims of the first kind are usually seen as universal in that they are based on what it is to be human, while claims of the second kind are seen as particular in so far as they relate to membership of a specific culture. Singh (1997) argues for discussion method as a means of reconciling the claims of democratic citizenship with those of cultural attachment in non‐liberal communities. In an earlier and related paper, Singh (1995) also seeks an accommodation between shared and particular values in a multicultural society. Halstead (1997) is concerned about the dilemmas faced by liberal educators and by Muslims with regard to the sex education curriculum and Muslim pupils. In an earlier paper, Halstead (1995) makes proposals for a curriculum which combines a communitarian commitment to the cultural integrity of non‐liberal communities with active participation in the life of a liberal democracy. I will argue that whether we begin from a liberal commitment to individual autonomy (Singh) or from a concern for the cultural integrity and survival of non‐liberal communities (Halstead), there are very real difficulties in achieving a reconciliation between liberal and communitarian perspectives. 相似文献
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Neil Burtonwood 《Educational research; a review for teachers and all concerned with progress in education》2013,55(1):69-82
The Holocaust was officially remembered in Britain for the first time on 27 January 2001. This is to be an annual event and it is intended that it will provide a focus for work in schools. The paper reviews the findings of research into Holocaust education and discusses the implications for teachers intending to respond to this important initiative. 相似文献
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N. Burtonwood R. Bruce 《Educational research; a review for teachers and all concerned with progress in education》2013,55(1):94-99
How effectively are teacher trainees prepared for teaching ethnic minority pupils? What part does practical teaching experience play in developing the cultural sensitivity of trainees? Do American and British trainees differ in their levels of cultural sensitivity and, if so, what are the causal factors involved? This article is a critical response to Deering, who has identified these as his research questions. While welcoming the attention given to an important subject, we question the appropriateness of Deering's research procedure and challenge his interpretation and discussion of the findings. 相似文献
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Neil Burtonwood 《Educational studies》2002,28(3):239-252
What does the political philosophy of the last two decades have to teach that might shed light on proposals to increase the number and diversify the types of faith-based community schools? Liberal educators have often expressed concern about the apparent parochialism of faith-based education and favoured instead a more cosmopolitan version of education which aims to take individuals beyond the boundaries of the here and now. In this paper I shall examine ways in which political philosophers have responded to the issue of faith-based schools. These responses can broadly be categorised as liberal, communitarian or, more usually, as attempts to reconcile these two perspectives. Drawing on the moral and political philosophy of Isaiah Berlin, which states that values are plural and often irreconcilable, I shall argue the need, not for reconciliation, but for compromise. Any resolution of the debate about the desirability of faith-based schooling will have to acknowledge a need for choices between irreconcilable values, and whatever strategy is chosen will involve both gains and losses. 相似文献
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Neil Burtonwood 《Journal of Philosophy of Education》2003,37(3):415-425
This article is a response to recent attempts by liberals to defend faith-based schools against the criticism that they are both socially divisive and prejudicial to the individual autonomy of their pupils. Geoffrey Short (2002) and Johan De Jong and Ger Snik (2002) divide faith-based schooling into moderate and strong versions and then go on to argue for a moderate version of faith schooling that is compatible with liberal educational aims in culturally diverse societies. Against this view I will argue that it is the qualities of the strong version of faith schooling that appeals to many traditional religious communities and any liberal defence of faith schooling must take account of this. The article concludes by examining the part that faith schools might play in the achievement of a range of diverse, and often incompatible, human goods—community belonging, social cohesion and individual autonomy. 相似文献
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Neil Burtonwood 《British Journal of Educational Studies》2000,48(3):269-284
A liberal state based on propositions about the desirability of individual autonomy is bound to be committed to educational programmes which are incompatible with the beliefs and values of parents from non-liberal religious and cultural minorities. One response to this has been support for public funding of those separate schools which offer an education culturally congruent with the values of parents in non-liberal communities. To resolve the potential threat to liberal individualist ideals a condition of support for individual autonomy is usually attached to liberal acceptance of this solution. This condition is in conflict with the motivation which underpins the setting up of such schools. Despite the growing literature on this debate surprisingly little attention has been given to the work of Isaiah Berlin. This article draws on Berlin's version of liberalism developed within the context of a commitment to value pluralism in order to seek clarification of this liberal dilemma. 相似文献
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