简析美国在中东和谈中的作用

美国为推动政治解决中东问题,多次主持和谈会议,促使以色列与有关中东国家达 成了一系列和平协议。美国在中东和谈中,发挥了主导作用,进一步巩固了其在中东地区的地位。     

阿拉法特的四次转变及对巴勒斯坦前途的影响

阿拉法特在其奋斗的历程中实现了三次转变，这三次转变对巴勒斯坦的前途和命运发生了重大的影响。目前，在中东复杂的局势下他又面临着第四次转变的考验，这次转变一旦实现，无疑也将对巴以的未来产生重要影响。     

Speech and the learning process

The semiotic assumption that language is a system of symbols, signals, or signs minimally entails a commitment to the position that there are two worlds, one linguistic and the ether non‐linguistic, and that they are related by some sort of representation. This essay challenges this view insofar as it purports to account for all language functions. It offers a complementary idea that emerges from the writings of Heidegger, Gadamer, and Buber: that language in spoken conversation is often constitutive, not merely instrumental and representional.     

Henry Barnard—Educator of Teachers

Palestinian youth face developmental, cultural, and political barriers that impede them from fully engaging in civic life. Non-traditional, youth-centered pedagogies of engagement, like community-based service-learning (CBSL), have shown promise to motivate marginalized populations and provide space and roles for them to form individual identities while developing civic skills. Using data collected through focus group interviews, this paper reports how West Bank youth who participated in a non-governmental organization's CBSL leadership program were impacted.     

犹太定居点问题浅析

犹太定居点问题是巴以冲突及中东和平进程中最为棘手的问题之一。该问题能否顺利解决,直接关系到中东地区的和平与安宁,关系到中东和平进程的推进。本文试从早期犹太定居点政策、犹太定居点的建设与扩张、犹太定居点的出路三个方面对该问题作一探讨。     

浅析英国对犹太复国主义运动的政策演变

1897年第一次世界犹太复国主义者代表大会的召开标志着政治犹太复国主义运动的开始。此后，经过半个多世纪的奋斗，以色列国最终于1948年5月14日成立。在这一过程中，大国，尤其是英国的作用对犹太复国主义运动的发展有着十分重要的意义。英国对犹太复国主义运动的政策随着国际局势的变化、英国实力的改变、巴勒斯坦阿犹关系的变化以及犹太复国主义运动各个阶段目标的不断调整而不断变化。     

哈马斯崛起与巴勒斯坦政局及中东和平

哈马斯是一个具有强烈伊斯兰宗教意识形态的巴勒斯坦抵抗组织。哈马斯深受伊斯兰原教旨主义思潮影响,不承认以色列的生存权,主张暴力反抗以色列,代表部分激进穆斯林的利益。2006年哈马斯击败法塔赫成为巴勒斯坦执政党。在其发展过程中,政治主张逐渐由强硬向务实政策转变。哈马斯崛起,打破了巴勒斯坦国内法塔赫“一家独大”的局面,围绕权力分配两派爆发激烈冲突。哈马斯掌控巴勒斯坦政权给中东和平带来变数。哈马斯对自己政治主张的把握方向将决定其执政前景。     

Social Justice,Sport and Judaism: A Position Statement

ABSTRACT

Jewish teachings on social justice include the maxim attributed to Hillel the Elder in the Mishnah: “If I am not for myself, who will be for me? But if I am only for myself, what am I? And if not now, when?” This maxim indicates Jewish responses to experiencing anti-Semitism in the context of sports, as Jews have stood up for themselves through protest, cultural adaptation, and boycott, as illustrated in phenomena such as the creation of the HaKoach sports teams in Europe, the South Philadelphia Hebrew Association basketball team in the United States, and international responses to the 1936 Berlin Olympics. It illuminates how others have “been for them,” including Football 4 Peace, responses in Europe to Jewish-identified football teams and anti-Semitism. And it illustrates how the Jewish state, Jewish athletes and teams have responded to the call to stand up for others in American baseball and Israeli football.     

LCSH in the Southern Levant*

Abstract

Library of Congress Subject Headings (LCSH) geographic headings for the Southern Levant mirror the political investment of Congress and the American public in Middle East politics over the last thirty years. These LCSH headings contrast markedly with those established in other national libraries and independent value vocabularies, and global opinion regarding the legal status of the occupied territories. The author offers ways that libraries can “decolonize” their metadata in service of Sanford Berman's “access and equity.”     

Part of imperial communications

From 1934 to 1941, three British-governed radio stations were established in the Middle East: Egyptian State Broadcasting (ESB) in Cairo (1934), the Palestine Broadcasting Service (PBS) in Jerusalem (1936), and the Near East Broadcasting Service (NEBS) in Jaffa (1941). These three stations were modeled on the BBC and run as colonial or imperial stations—but they were also considered national stations. As a result, they operated as hybrid entities with overlapping and sometimes conflicting mandates. Through the three case studies—a contentious hire at the ESB, the PBS' ‘Jerusalem Direct News Service’, and the NEBS' Islamic broadcasts—this article charts the evolving relationship between Great Britain and its Arab-world radio stations, examining these three stations in tandem tension between national and regional broadcasting mandates, as well as the challenge that managing each station raised for British officials in the UK and in-country. It moves away from a focus on the disembodied spheres of ideology and propaganda, and toward the messy administrative decisions that reflected British officials' on-the-ground efforts to navigate the administrative control and programming decisions in the perplexing world of semi-independent radio broadcasting stations in the Middle East. It closes by noting that while UK-based British officials saw these three stations as operating under the aegis of British governance and on the model of the BBC, the ESB and the PBS, in particular, reflected and projected not a British imperial identity but an Egyptian and a Palestinian nationalist one.