政治文化背景下苏联知识分子的公共空间与政治表达

苏联政治文化谱系包括主流的苏维埃文化和非主流政治亚文化两部分,也即主流意识形态与非主流的意识形态.苏联知识分子身处两种政治文化的变迁之中,在适应其群体和个体生存的公共空间中表达自己的政治思想和理想.伴随着20世纪80年代中期苏联主流政治文化与非主流政治文化的位移,知识分子对待苏联体制的政治态度发生了不可逆转的巨变.     

苏联持不同政见者运动的性质探析

苏联持不同政见者运动的性质歧见纷呈，各种定性和观点截然不同。然而，通过深入分析就会发现，大部分持不同政见者都是一些具有创新思想和敢于讲真话的人，他们看到苏联社会主义体制的弊端和社会弊病，希望通过民主化、公开性、言论自由来维护宪法赋予公民的权利，克服社会发展中出现的矛盾，建立一个多元化的社会，特别是持不同政见者运动前期，这些特征表现得尤为明显。当然，也有少部分持不同政见者的主张和行动客观上迎合了西方国家和平演变社会主义苏联的企图，但他们采取的手段是和平的，主要是思想和道义上的。     

战时国民党限制异党活动方略述论

抗战进入相持阶段后,国民政府抗战政策发生一定转向,限制共产党的发展和继续抗战,成为这一时期既相矛盾又相交织的两个主题。了解抗战前后国共关系的历史与现实、战时限制与反限制等方面的情况,对国民党防共限共之因果关系及其运作经纬会有更深刻的认识。     

State power,prostitution and sexual order in Taiwan: towards a genealogical critique of ‘virtuous custom’1

This paper considers, by way of conjunctural analysis and genealogical investigation, the policed culture of sex under the regulatory regime of ‘virtuous custom’ as sustained by the now defunct Police Offence Law (abrogated and replaced by the Social Order Maintenance Law in 1991) between the 1950s and 1990s. It attempts to trace the historical process whereby the social/sexual order came to be established in postwar Taiwan, thus articulating the cultural specificity of gendered/sexual subjectivities as formed within that particular geo‐political terrain. Examining the police technology as well as the official/journalistic discourse of sex, this paper demonstrates that ‘virtuous custom’, a nationalist ideological construct predicated upon the Confucian sage‐king paradigm, operated as a norm of sex whose boundary was secured through the policing of non‐familial/non‐marital sexualities, arguing further that both female sexuality and male homosexuality have been historically regulated by the state through its banning of prostitution. As the normative regime of ‘virtuous custom’ has become even more hegemonic due to the rise in recent years of anti‐prostitution state feminism, contesting the new social/sexual order on the grounds of its ideological operations and practices represents the most challenging task for progressive sexual and gender politics in Taiwan today.     

海勒笔下的女性

约瑟夫.海勒的小说从男性视角出发,遮蔽了女性的情感世界、自我主体;把女性塑造成低于男性的“第二性”、“他者”、“另类”,要么是自然“性”征的符号,要么是欲望的化身,要么是死亡的象征,处于边缘和弱势地位。女性作为一种意象,指代肮脏的、可怕的、疯狂的异己力量,它与荒诞的社会合谋,共同构成对男性安全感的威胁。海勒通过对女性角色的设置,进一步强化小说主题,但是文本叙述方式呈现出的贬损、消极、厌恶的基调隐含了其鲜明的男性主义立场和性别歧视倾向。     

苏联持不同政见者主要派别政治主张异同点论析

苏联持不同政见者运动流派纷呈,比较重要的派别主要有罗伊.麦德维杰夫兄弟为代表的民主社会主义派,萨哈罗夫为代表的西方派和索尔仁尼琴为首的新斯拉夫派。苏联持不同政见者运动各个派别的政治主张既有相似之处,亦有许多不同之处。运动早期各派政治主张更多地体现了同一性,但随着运动的深入发展,分歧也日渐凸现,这既是苏联社会蕴藏着各种不同社会矛盾的反映,同时也是运动深入发展的标志。     

Queer Marxism in Taiwan

Abstract

This paper refutes the dominant assumption that Taiwan, unlike Mainland China, has developed a greater degree of tolerance for non‐normative sexual expressions as a result of its democratization. Recent legal and cultural changes indicate that Taiwan’s democratization consists of tendencies and repressive countertendencies. At the same time, this contradictory development has uniquely enabled a body of indigenous Marxist writings that mobilizes different senses of ‘queerness’ to demonstrate that the official celebration of diversity and human rights has actually further alienated and disempowered sex workers, promiscuous homosexuals, gay drug‐users, and other social subjects that are considered to be a threat to the liberal‐democratic order. I offer a reading of the critical writings of Josephine Ho, Yin‐bin Ning, Ding Naifei, and Wang Ping since the 1990s to explain why Queer Marxism in Taiwan is founded on a strong a‐statist discourse. I argue that a Queer Marxist intellectual practice emerged in Taiwan because liberal pluralism, institutionalized in what these critics call ‘state feminism,’ has failed to redress effects of social exclusion that (1) persist not despite of, but precisely because of, post‐martial law liberal reforms, and that (2) diverge in significant ways from individual experiences as members of officially defined minority groups (women, aborigines, migrant workers, or homosexuals). If social structuration is not always synchronic or isomorphic with state‐engineered legal changes, this difference also provides the occasion for Queer Marxists to interrogate the intellectual division of labor between feminism, assumed to be the analysis of gender as a non‐pluralizable category, and queer theory, assumed to be the analysis of sexuality as a non‐singular but personifiable category. Only by distinguishing between social relations and social identity can we comprehend how the rise of the Taiwanese Independence Movement played a key role in the naturalization of homosexuality as a fictive ethnicity, to which Queer Marxism developed as a historical response. As a geopolitically specific analysis of the aporia of substantive personhood, the Queer Marxism in Taiwan I re‐historicize is also a significant contribution to Marxist critique of liberal formalism that is of use to readers across the globe.     

勃列日涅夫时代苏联意识形态僵化与持不同政见者运动

稳定是勃列日涅夫时代的特点,而正是这种不求上进的稳定导致勃列日涅夫时期思想观念和意识形态墨守成规,僵化教条,形式主义泛滥成灾。光说不做,粉饰现实,限制民主,无视世界发展潮流成为勃列日涅夫时期的风气。在劳动人民“真正当家作主”的国家,主人们却无法真正表达自己的意愿,于是通过非正常手段要求民主、自由、权利的持不同政见者运动就成为伴随勃列日涅夫执政始终的重大政治问题。