从民族主义特征看德国法西斯主义与伊斯兰原教旨主义的区别

法西斯主义和伊斯兰原教旨主义是20世纪重要的两种社会思潮和政治实践运动，前者以极端民族主义为政纲核心，在“适者生存”、“优胜劣汰”、“争夺生存空间”的思想指导下，发动了有史以来人类损失最为惨重的第二次世界大战，而后者更多的是伊斯兰世界现代化种种努力不断遭受挫折的一种反映，尽管它们中某些激进派别的暴力倾向也给世人留下长久难忘的印象，但二者在政教关系、国家体制，特别是民族主义观点和价值认同上有着本质的区别。     

在自由和平等之间——“西方马克思主义”民主理论述评

对民主及民主理论的研究是政治哲学的重要内容,国内学者对“西方马克思主义”的研究日益显学化,但对其政治哲学特别是民主理论的系统研究十分欠缺。基于这种理论空白,本文以自由和平等的张力为背景,以法西斯主义批判、苏联模式社会主义批判和当代资本主义批判为主要内容,从而勾勒“西方马克思主义”民主理论的线条,并且阐释这一民主理论对于今日中国所具有的重要的理论和现实意义。     

Tomorrow we live: fascist visions of education in 1930s Britain

The present paper explores the fascist vision for education in 1930s Britain through the presentation of extracts from official publications of the British Union of Fascists (BUF), as well as from the writings of Party members. The paper presents a socio‐historical study of British adherents to fascism and provides an account of their thinking in relation to education and schooling, exposing a milieu of ideologues, Party functionaries and serving teachers who were animated by their political commitment. Following a brief outline of the early years of British fascism, there is an account of some key members and their educational ideas, followed by a discussion of the BUF’s educational policies and of its approach to internal education and training. The orientation of the BUF and its membership to education, and the Party’s formulated policies in this field present a modernist vision that was calculated to have particular appeal to educational professionals. There is a consideration, through memoirs, of the experiences of two BUF members who were teachers. The paper reveals a relatively hidden episode in the social history of British educational politics; one that contained paradoxes of intent and outcome, and of means and ends, when ostensibly progressive and socially elevating concepts were employed in ways that had an ultimately destructive impact on individuals, both personally and professionally, as well as on whole societies.     

“借魂还尸”与“清党”反共——也论20世纪30年代中国法西斯主义的兴起

1930年代,法西斯主义曾在中国盛行一时。究其原因,除当时国内外诸多外部因素之外,国民党自身组织的腐败无力乃是内在根源。1927年,蒋介石、汪精卫相继"清党"反共,国民党的组织系统陷于混乱。此后,为谋求重振,部分国民党人积极主张向日渐强盛的意大利和德国学习,进而引入了法西斯主义。"清党"后,国民党人学习目标从苏俄共产党转向德、意法西斯,其实质也在于国民党人企图引入法西斯主义以对抗、消解共产主义的威胁,反映了国共两党间关系由通力合作到全面对峙的转变。     

试论弗洛姆的“逃避自由”说

弗洛姆的“逃避自由”学说,把自由的获得与自由的丧失视为是共生的两极,人类越是获得自由,也就意 味着越是丧失自由。正是人类自由的最终获取,导致人类陷入了法西斯主义的困境。这一结果归根结底是由于人的心 理机制造成的,这就把问题引向了歧途。但弗洛姆的这一学说给我们的有益启示是:自由、民主的讨论必须与社会制 度结合起来,政治体制的改革必须现实地、具体地、实践地进行。     

浅谈二战前夕德国灵活外交的有利环境

法西斯的特征就是对外侵略扩张。在1933年希特勒上台的时候,德国尚无力以暴力手段取得它所需要的利益。所以,从那时起至战争爆发,德国外交活动的目标就是冲破国际条约、组织的束缚,保证扩军备战的顺利进行,恢复大国地位并建立中欧日耳曼帝国。德国凭借强大的经济军事实力和有利的国际环境,成功地达到了这一目的。     

‘Against fascism,war and economies’: the Communist Party of Great Britain’s schoolteachers during the Popular Front, 1935–1939

The Popular Front line made the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) a more hospitable place for ‘brain workers’. The emphasis the line placed on mass ideological and cultural struggle against fascism meant that they became important allies to be won for the working class. As the principal transmitters of ideology and culture to the masses, schoolteachers could be perceived as being at the forefront of the anti-fascist effort, just as important as the academics, artists, writers and musicians more traditionally associated with the pull of British communism in this period. But communist schoolteachers on the whole avoided the exploration of socialist ideas in their professional practice. Rather, their primary focus was on achieving the greatest possible unity against fascism in their profession. This stance largely excluded critical discussion of the theory or practice of the education of children under capitalism, such as combating imperialist bias in textbooks; ending corporal punishment; advocating secular education; promoting workers’ control of schools and ameliorating the capitalistic nature of competitive examinations, all of which had been debated by communist teachers at various points during the 1920s. But as well as the tactical considerations of the Popular Front line, this avoidance of a qualitative critique of British schooling was encouraged by Soviet educational conservatism, and often overlooked continuities between the Popular Front line and its predecessor, ‘Class Against Class’. Drawing on the personal papers of British communist schoolteachers, contemporary newspapers and periodicals, and policy statements of the CPGB in the period, this article seeks to shed light upon the communist contribution to the teacher politics of the labour movement in England and Wales during the late 1930s, an input hitherto unexplored in detail.     

Little intellectuals. Girls' academic secondary education under Francoism: projects,realities and paradoxes

The present article examines the situation of girls in Spanish academic secondary education during the first Francoism. It outlines the measures introduced by the Franco Regime that maintained the traditional access for girls to the same academic curriculum followed by boys, although in separate schools. Later, it examines the various projects put forward specifically for female secondary schooling that sought to remove girls from the academic pathway and the reasons for their failure. Finally, the article studies the paradox posed by the fact that, despite official statements against academic education for women, the number of girls in academic secondary education and universities did not stop growing during the first Francoism. For the explanation of this paradox, it seeks to address the unwanted effects of Francoist education policy, especially the effects of social elitism and single-sex education on the presence of girls.     

2014年欧洲共产党会议述评

2014年10月2日,来自欧洲各国的32个共产党和工人党在布鲁塞尔召开了会议。与会代表围绕着“第一次世界战争结束100年后的欧洲;资本主义：危机、法西斯主义和战争;共产党和工人党为争取实现一个社会主义的、和平的、社会公正的欧洲而进行的斗争”的主题进行了深入的讨论。大会对欧洲和世界其他地区的形势进行了深刻的分析,指出广大人民为资本主义发展道路的僵局买单,帝国主义不断发动战争和干涉,民族主义、种族主义和法西斯主义沉渣泛起。在此基础上,大会提出了欧洲共产党人的斗争任务和策略,强调要加强反对欧盟和北约、反对资本主义的群众斗争,加强反对帝国主义战争和侵略的斗争,并要建立统一战线和加强共产党人的国际合作。     

法西斯主义与极端民族主义

法西斯主义是20世纪上半期世界范围内极端民族主义恶性膨胀和发展的结果;以社会达尔文主义和种族主义世界观为基础的极端民族主义是理解形形色色法西斯主义思潮的关键;法西斯主义不可能真正超越阶级矛盾和意识形态的对立,但我们决不能简单地把法西斯主义与某个社会阶层或某种社会制度划等号。