排序方式: 共有76条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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辛亥革命结束了在中国持续长达两千余年的封建帝制,在形式上确立了资产阶级民主共和制度。这一时期,为了维护这种民主共和制度,资产阶级革命派对当时中国政体的设计可谓煞费苦心。但不管是总统制,还是责任内阁制,都因设计上的不足,不能引导中国走向富强。 相似文献
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《美利坚合众国宪法》第二条第二款及第三款以枚举方式明文规定了赋予总统的权力,而美国开国元勋们更是力图在《宪法》框架内建立强有力联邦政府的同时,以《宪法》所体现的“联邦制”和“三权分立、权力制衡”原则对联邦政府及总统权力加以限制。而小布什出任美国总统至今,却一再违背其两度宣誓就职时“竭尽全力贯彻、保护和捍卫合众国宪法”的誓言,以种种理由为借口挑战《宪法》权威性,在尼克松“帝王式总统制”基础上又向前迈进了一大步。文章即旨在对小布什及其政府的违宪表象进行简要梳理分析,并就其作为给出客观公正的评价。 相似文献
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William Benoit 《Communication Studies》2017,68(3):243-259
In October 2016, Donald Trump was in the midst of a hotly contested and sharply divisive presidential campaign. Days before the second presidential debate, The Washington Post posted a video of Trump “having extremely lewd conversation about women in 2005.” This video and the firestorm of criticism it provoked threatened to derail his presidential run. Mr. Trump and his wife Melania Trump offered several messages to repair his damaged image. This article analyzes and evaluates these image repair messages concerning Donald Trump’s “Access Hollywood” video. In such a divisive context, the defense had no hope of repairing Trump’s image with the general public (Trump lost the popular vote by 2.9 million). Even though he lost the popular vote, the business magnate won the Electoral College. We cannot say that the “Access Hollywood” video was solely responsible for Trump’s poor popular vote showing, but it is clear that this defense did not completely dispel the cloud surrounding him. 相似文献
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Administrators in libraries of all types face the challenge of managing and planning in times of static or declining funding and rapidly changing technology. What tools do they use to gather and employ data for decision-making and evidence-based management? Are the same tools and techniques useful for all types of libraries? Although there are established measurements and metrics for academic libraries, there are few, if any, for others such as hybrid presidential libraries which are not part of the National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) system. This column identifies the metrics used by the pre-NARA presidential libraries and compares them to metrics used by a subgroup of Carnegie Research 1 and Research 2 libraries, those that do not participate in Association of Research Libraries (ARL) statistics program. It identifies similarities and differences. 相似文献
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RESEARCHING RESISTANCE: CAMPAIGNS AGAINST ACADEMIES IN ENGLAND 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
ABSTRACT: This article uses social movement theory to analyse campaigns against a new type of government-sponsored school – the Academy – in four areas of England. It seeks to identify the social composition of anti-Academy campaigns, to track their encounters with proponents of the new schools and to describe the characteristic forms of their campaigning strategies. In doing so, the article aims to help place research into educational opposition and contestation closer to the centre of researchers' agendas. 相似文献
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建党之初,毛泽东是重视工人运动的,1923年“三大”起始注意农民运动,1925年初起把注意重民向农民运动,1926-1927年已高度重视农民运动。促使毛泽东由重视工人运动转向重视农民运动的主要原因有:寻找无产阶级革命同盟军;毛泽东农民家庭生活的影响及少年时对农民境况的了解;一贯重视农村调查;彭拜领导的广东农民运动取得的伟大成就的推动;审视历史得出的经验教训。 相似文献
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刘远舰 《沈阳教育学院学报》2012,14(1):73-76
分析了日本国家神道形成的历史背景,认为幕府末期的社会危机、"尊王论"思想的广泛传播以及天皇地位的提升和明治维新斗争的胜利是日本国家神道产生的重要历史因素,对于这些历史因素的考察是正确认识日本国家神道形成的前提。 相似文献
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Presidential debate questions and the public agenda 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
Presidential debates have become an institutionalized component of presidential campaigns. Debates have been shown to create learning in voters and are capable of influencing vote choices. Although candidates have some control over their utterances, questions, usually asked by journalists, have a strong influence on the topics candidates can address. It is fashionable to criticize the questions posed by journalists in these “joint press conferences.” This study adds a new twist to media agenda‐setting, providing empirical evidence on the question of whether voters’ issue interests influence the topics of journalists’ questions. Results show that the questions asked by journalists in debates do not reflect the public interest. We recommend that future debates eschew the use of journalists as sources of questions for presidential debates. 相似文献
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Blake Abbott 《Communication quarterly》2018,66(5):463-480
This article analyzes the circulation of the term “confidence” as a prominent signifier for neoliberal logics, taking George W. Bush’s response to the economic crisis in Fall 2008 as a case study. It traces the public circulation of confidence in previous presidential administrations and notes that much like previous administrations, Bush’s response to the crisis was rooted in confidence. Bush identified a loss of confidence as the underlying cause of the economic crisis, and his focus on the need to restore lost confidence allowed him to violate his traditionally conservative principles in order to save the free market. Additionally, Bush’s reliance on the term in the context of the economic crisis articulated the nation-state to the national economy through neoliberalism as a prevailing economic logic. 相似文献