排序方式: 共有14条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
1.
王玉 《首都师范大学学报(社会科学版)》2005,(Z1)
“地缘政治学”起源于19世纪后期的西欧;19世纪末传入美国,至20世纪40年代起在美国的外交决策中逐步产生影响。在研究富兰克林·D·罗斯福时期美国外交政策的过程中,马汉、麦金德、斯皮克曼等著名地缘政治学家的相关学术理论,恰似一条“暗藏的线索”,帮助我们以新颖的视角,对固有的史实进行审慎的分析;从而认识到:20世纪三四十年代的罗斯福外交是将“威尔逊国际主义”与“地缘政治因素”揉和起来的结果。而“地缘政治学”在美国的传播与发展为其冲破传统上的善意孤立,打开了新的视野并起到了十分重要的“助推”作用。 相似文献
2.
张友国 《新疆职业大学学报》2004,12(1):1-3,16
中亚五国独立后,国际战略地位日显重要,其战略地位由其重要的地缘政治位置和丰富的油气资源及有关各方面指标所决定。伴随着国际形势的变化,中亚成为国际战略格局中一个不可或缺的角色。 相似文献
3.
Sara L. McKinnon 《Quarterly Journal of Speech》2013,99(2):178-200
Extending an important rhetorical tradition of investigating women's positioning/positionalities in the national imaginary, in society, and in the law, this essay examines how non-US citizen women and their experiences are deployed toward objectives of the US state. Specifically, I analyze the rhetorical significance of two precedent-setting gender-based asylum cases, those of Fauziya Kassindja and Rody Alvarado, to understand the different ways non-US women are positioned by the state. These cases reveal that women claimants, depending on the nuances of their claims, are incorporated into the state as “good” women, pushed to the margins because their rhetoric is “threatening,” or appropriated by the state because their “otherness” provides an image that the United States can deploy in demonstrating itself as the “good” state that protects and supports women. 相似文献
4.
Sara L. McKinnon 《传播与批判/文化研究》2016,13(3):215-231
In the mid-1990s, US immigration courts were introduced to a group of Iranian women who claimed that they feared persecution because of their “pro-Western and feminist” political opinions and because of the way they performed gender on their bodies. The claims were, in total, unsuccessful bids to asylum. Analyzing these cases set against the geopolitical background of US–Iranian history and contemporary relations, I argue that their denials illustrate three important dynamics. First, building on rhetorical theorizing of voice and body, this essay demonstrates the uneasy reception in US law and politics of willful noncitizen women of color with explicit political voices and bodies, and second, the consequential racialization of these subjects as willful, unorderable migrant subjects too akin in their sovereignty to their state of birth. Third, this analysis adds to the field's attentiveness to geopolitics by consequently demonstrating US necropolitical desires toward Iran in the state's engagement with these cases. I argue that for the United States to recognize these claimants as having political voices contrary to their state would be to recognize the presence and legitimacy of that state—a sovereign that challenges US power and modernity on the global stage. 相似文献
5.
冷战后,随着国际局势的变化,南海地缘政治环境也发生了大的变化,伴随着这一变化中国的南海政策作出了新的调整。"搁置争议,共同开发"政策得以正式确立,同时中国政府还注重加强了海洋立法和海洋硬实力的建设,并且在双边基础上与南海争端各方展开了积极的多边协商。根据冷战后南海地缘政治环境所呈现的特点,分析了中国南海政策的新变化,并展望了未来中国南海政策的发展趋势。 相似文献
6.
中国与周边国家在油气领域的竞争与合作及其地缘政治影响 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
中国周边国家蕴藏有丰富的自然资源,与周边国家在能源领域的合作,是中国地缘政治战略的重要组成部分.本文主要分析了中国与周边的东亚、东南亚、中亚和俄罗斯等国家和地区在油气领城的合作和竞争,并分析了其地缘政治影响,主要结论包括:①东亚主要是中日之间的能源竞争,竞争态势近期有进一步加剧之势,中远期如果不考虑钓鱼岛领土争端的因素,两国在海外的油气争夺会趋于缓和;②东南亚的油气合作取决于南海领土争端能否得到有效控制,只要争端不成为地缘政治操作的工具,南海的油气合作才有可能;此外,中国需要在南海首先开发起来,然后才能谈得上"搁置争议、共同开发",否则只能是"搁置争议、别人开发";③中亚应成为中国周边油气合作的重点,中亚地缘上与中国接壤,进一步向西可延伸到中东、里海,中亚是中国平衡俄罗斯能源影响的重要因素,只有与中亚的合作进展顺利,才有效牵制俄罗斯能源地缘政治工具的作用发挥;④俄罗斯不是一个十分可靠的能源合作伙伴,只能是中国能源的重要补充,不能作为主要依靠. 相似文献
7.
姜广义 《首都体育学院学报》2006,18(3):9-11
本文运用文献资料法探讨了,地域体育文化与地缘政治之间存在着互动关系,地区体育文化交流影响当今世界政治趋势的整体走向和发展;反之,地缘政治又影响体育文化发展。在全球体育文化与地缘政治互动中,体育文化已经对国家政治形成了一定程度的冲击。地缘政治的形成,为提高本地区在全球的影响力有直接显性作用。当代全球性的跨地区的体育文化交流在一定程度上会对地缘政治的形成产生新的冲击,新的地缘政治板块会在全球化的经济文化融合碰撞过程中,不断打破传统的思维,冲破传统的地域限制而递渐彤威。 相似文献
8.
冷战结束后,地处亚洲腹地中俄“夹缝”中的蒙古国摆脱了苏联长达近70多年的控制,其独特而重要的地缘政治经济价值日益凸显,成为世界各大国和地区力量博弈的焦点之一。蒙古特殊的地理位置及与中俄特殊的历史关系使其对外关系调整必须首先考虑中国和俄罗斯的战略利益,与此同时,蒙古为了平衡中俄所带来的“压力”又积极地发展与“第三邻国”关系,美日及一些西方大国出于不同的战略目的接踵来到这片觊觎已久的土地上。蒙古国这种复杂的地缘政治变化为中国北部战略安全环境带来了巨大的压力与挑战,如何变挑战为机遇即成为中国对蒙政策的优先目标。 相似文献
9.
Timothy Barney 《Quarterly Journal of Speech》2019,105(1):1-24
In recent years, satellite mapping of North Korea, especially of its labor camps, has become an important form of evidence of human rights violations, used by transnational advocacy groups to lobby Western governments for change. A phenomenon of “citizen cartography” has emerged where non-expert humanitarian actors use commercially available software like Google Earth to “infiltrate” the borders of North Korea. This essay interrogates the politics of seeing that takes place in creating the site and sight of North Korea by citizen cartographers, and historicizes these processes of seeing in Cold War and post-Cold War visual culture. Specifically, citizen cartography of North Korea engages in rhetorics of resolution, where the cartographer continually searches for a better, clearer view of the ground below, while still constrained by corporate software and logics of state sovereignty that make it difficult to “resolve” the problem of forced labor. 相似文献
10.
The paper explores shifts in the nature, volume, trajectory and content of aid to education in the wake of post-9/11 Western preoccupations with the rise of Islamic radicalism. The paper develops a framework for understanding the dynamics of how educational aid appears to be becoming increasingly politicized in strategic conflict and post-conflict countries. The approach links up with broader debates within the field of development studies on the ‘militarization of development’ while attempting to shed light on the specificity of how ‘educational aid’ becomes caught up in these processes. The paper argues that particularly in Iraq and Afghanistan educational aid is becoming submerged under the counterinsurgency strategy of the Western occupying forces with detrimental effects not only for long-term development progress but also for the personal security of development workers. 相似文献