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1.
加拿大第41届联邦大选,魁北克人团惨败,魁北克人党因此也面临危机和困境,这意味着魁北克分离主义的势力和影响受到实质性的削弱,魁北克问题的演进因此呈现积极的迹象。但是,魁北克人党在魁北克依然保持较高的支持率,并承诺举行第三次全民公决;加拿大联邦层面和魁北克省也存在对魁北克分离主义的助推因素:魁北克人对哈珀保守党多数联邦政府更加疏离甚至敌视。这表明魁北克问题对加拿大国家政治稳定与和谐的潜在挑战和冲击依然存在。  相似文献   
2.
魁北克问题与加拿大多元文化主义的缘起   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
加拿大是一个多民族和多文化国家。多元文化形成过程既造成了加拿大文化丰富的多样性未来,同时也产生了不同文化间的矛盾和冲突。20世纪60年代,随着魁北克问题①的凸显,魁北克走上了脱离联邦的道路。为维护民族间的和谐与国家的统一,加拿大政府宣布实施多元文化主义政策。  相似文献   
3.
加拿大多元文化政策的完整内涵是双语框架下的多元文化政策。其特别的内容特征折射出加拿大复杂的族群关系和政治难题。加拿大版本的多元文化政策是加拿大联邦自由党总理特鲁多基于自己的政治理念,为应对魁北克政治分离主义的挑战并谋求最终化解这一政治难题而出台的战略国策。移民族群和原住民在加拿大多元文化政策的出台中所起的促动作用,不宜过分夸大。  相似文献   
4.
This article seeks to critically examine the practical application of live streaming video at use in contemporary resistance movements, particularly the work of CUTV during the Quebec Student Strike of 2012. With a brief comparison to the use of social media—and even live streaming—in the Occupy movement, this article demonstrates the differences, and sophistication, of live streaming video in the Quebec Spring. Specifically, this article seeks to understand the ways in which political actors and digital technologies form unique assemblages (in the Deleuzian sense), which can both operate as mechanisms of power as surveillance technologies for police forces or, if used carefully and critically, can open up nodes of counter-power, disrupting state surveillance, surveilling the police themselves, and providing the space for the construction of subjectivity on the part of political actors in the streets.  相似文献   
5.
Based on interviews with eight adult immigrants to Montreal, this article explores how discourses from their cultures of origin interact with discourses in the host culture to influence the process of identity construction during their acculturation to the host society. Drawing on sociocultural theory and psychological concepts of identity development, the roles of the often conflicting discourses from two different societies are analyzed in terms of their influences on the identity construction of these adult immigrants. The most prevalent recurring theme from the interview data concerned what participants referred to as shyness. The meanings of this theme and its political, economic, and sociocultural implications are discussed. Interview data from this study indicate the importance of sociocultural, political, and economic elements of the discourses of one's society of origin which could be taken into consideration in order to create a more inclusive host society.  相似文献   
6.
Women in international management, where are they? While many female managers appear to have the qualities necessary for international management, they have been implicitly and explicitly excluded from overseas assignments.This paper will begin by describing some of the dimensions on which the international business environment is different from the domestic United States environment. Research on the attitudinal and behavioral skills found to be associated with success in the international environment will be presented. It will be suggested that this list of international management skills goes beyond those characteristics generally associated with either the male or the female role in North America. The Model of the Androgynous International Manager will be introduced as a way of conceptualizing an appropriate orientation for the role of the international manager. The need for future research is delineated.The scope of the discussion is limited to the role of American 1 women working in multinational business settings around the world.  相似文献   
7.
在1763~1867年的百年中,英国殖民者时而“同化”或“安抚”、时而分化或合并的摇摆政策未能从根本上消除英裔、法裔居民之间的民族矛盾,反而鲜明了定居于魁北克的新法兰西人形成的民族特性,增强了他们与英裔居民的隔阂、冲突,甚至转变为愈演愈烈的分离活动。因此,魁北克问题深刻的历史根源就在于英国的殖民统治,“法裔加拿大人”这个群体的历史就是迁移与扎根、被殖民与去殖民的历史。  相似文献   
8.
民族主义一直是加拿大法裔社会的主导性意识形态。加拿大法裔民族主义从18世纪60年代形成至今,经历了空间性和历时性的演变。犹太人虽然不是法裔民族主义反对的首要目标,但是在法裔传统民族主义的"文化生存"话语下,犹太人作为特别的"他者",因其固有的"犹太性"而遭到加拿大范围内最为严重的排斥和敌视。  相似文献   
9.
加拿大魁北克就"独立"议题所举办的两次公民投票属于分离性公民投票。事后加拿大政府规定了启动公民投票的复杂程序,无疑等于在事实上限制甚至取消了魁北克分离出去独立建国的可能。该案例表明,一个主权国家的内部的某个地区欲通过公民投票的形式来获取分离独立,中央政府有最终的权力决定是否允许其脱离出去。因地区分离势必会影响到母国的利益,为此,母国对分离性公民投票一般持以反对的态度。该案例还启示我们:对分离性公民投票不能迁就让步,要善于运用法律手段遏止分离主义,要建构妥善解决"差异"问题的制度安排。  相似文献   
10.
In September 2008, a new Ethics and Religious Culture programme was implemented in Québec’s elementary and secondary schools. One of the main pedagogical challenges of this new course has been the requirement that teachers adopt a professional stance of impartiality. Teachers must refrain from sharing their points of view, so as not to influence students as they develop their own positions. This paper deals with the requirements related to this new professional stance, namely that teachers maintain a critical distance from their own convictions and values, respect the student’s freedom of conscience and religion to avoid any indoctrination, and play the role of a cultural mediator. This new requirement has not gone over without question. For instance, some educators believe that, in the name of authenticity, it is preferable for teachers to freely express their own beliefs, thus ensuring a transparent relationship with students. For others, as teachers are in position of authority in the classroom, it is very important that students feel free to develop their own personal viewpoint on ethical and religious questions without being unduly influenced. This article examines these different issues.  相似文献   
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