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1.
沈桂芬是一个在晚清政治史上有重要影响的人物。他曾为解决旗民生计问题献言献策;担任山西巡抚期间,他严禁烟毒,整顿军队;行走军机后,在清王朝的内政外交活动中发挥重要作用,继文祥之后,成为总理衙门当家大臣。因错用崇厚,致丛众谤;又因在琉球问题上对日妥协而倍受争议。目前学术界对于沈氏的研究与其历史地位极不相称,有进一步详细考察的必要。  相似文献   
2.
ABSTRACT

This article first examines the resurgence of popular, semi-academic nationalist discourses that solidify the figures of “Japan” and “Okinawa” within post-1945 U.S.-led formation of nation-states across the Asia-Pacific. It critiques two discourses that are symptomatic of such a return to the figure of the nation: developmental economist Matsushima Yasukatsu’s thesis of “Ryukyu’s independence” and philosopher Takahashi Tetsuya’s call to relocate the U.S. military bases from Okinawa to mainland Japan. These symptomatic instances of the mutually transferential nationalisms in Okinawa and mainland Japan rely upon crudely culturalist assumptions about the self and the others and are thus surprisingly oblivious to how the very nation-forms have been instituted as part of imperial modernity. Their implicit figurations of the exemplary national subjects partake in the biopolitical assumptions as to whose lives must be “made to live” and “made to die” within and outside the border of the national. Ultimately, such nationalist discourses about Japan and Okinawa engage in a zero-sum exchange of imperial shame and colonial shame, a process that further stabilizes the co-operative placement of local nation-forms within the U.S.-led inter-state regime of warfare and biopolitics. But insofar as these discourses require the images of the nations that they seek to represent, their (re)production of what Naoki Sakai calls “a schema of co-figurative” nationalities needs to be critiqued through an exploration of a radical aesthetics and affect that pertain to image production.

The second part of the article presents my interpretation of artist Nema Satoko’s recent book of photography titled Paradigm, a work in which both bodies and objects explore their potential transformations in the midst of their precarious exposure to one another. I argue that Nema’s images of fragile bodies and objects in the present landscape of Okinawa are poised on the cusp between the past that invokes a sense of shame and this past’s potential future that necessitates an ethical posture of humility. In the vicinity of Adorno’s notion of “art’s shame,” Nema’s photographic images illuminate an amorphous realm of fragile beings, whose linkage and exposure to one another opens a space of viability that is obscured by the biopolitical imaginaries of nation-forms.  相似文献   
3.
Nakaya Kokichi is a writer whose work illustrates a singular unfolding of intellectual thought in Okinawa under the US military occupation. This article sheds light on the political potential of Nakaya’s thoughts through a close reading of his posthumous collection. In doing so, I pay particular attention to the three aspects of his thought. First, Nakaya’s texts reveal the violent nature of “interpellation” that sustains the system of the US–Japan military alliance. Nakaya’s work exposes the way in which such interpellation at once subject those who live in Okinawa and, therefore, prohibits them from becoming political subjects. Second, Nakaya’s writings critique the politics of Okinawan nationalist identity and seek an alternative political future in the solidarity among non-subjectified bodies. Third, Nakaya’s thoughts suggest a paradoxical possibility of Kakushi, or a death in a foreign land even in one’s own so-call “homeland,” once that helps to resituate Okinawa as an intersection of “refugees,” who remain unable to belong to nation-states, and their “histories that open up laterally.”  相似文献   
4.
在最初处理冲绳的问题上,日本政府一直担心冲绳会从日本分离出去,所以努力准备《对日和平条约》(又称《旧金山和约》)的签订,希望这些努力能起到一定的效果。日本天皇甚至向美国建言,把冲绳主权留给日本,而将军事基地权提供给美国。美国国务院远东局在签订基地协定之际,恰好利用了这个建议。  相似文献   
5.
对「本土」一词,日本冲绳人在使用与理解上赋予了超出词义本身的含义。由于冲绳特有的历史文化背景和特殊地理位置,在冲绳人眼中的「本土」,不但是日本本土相对于冲绳的地理位置标示,也是冲绳形成不同于日本本土的独特日语特征,地域文化乃至冲绳人地域情结的一种表现。  相似文献   
6.
东海冲绳海槽天然气水合物的形成条件   总被引:10,自引:0,他引:10  
根据世界各处取得海底天然气水合物样品的DSDP/ODP站位的地质构造特征等资料,讨论了海底天然气水合物在活动大陆边缘的形成机制以及相应的有利成矿地质条件,东海冲绳海槽在地质构造上处在欧亚板块和太平洋板块的相互作用上,属于活动大陆边缘的一个半深海弧后盆地,因此参照活动大陆边缘海底天然气水合物的形成模式,综合分析了东海冲绳海槽的大地构造,地质特征及温压条件,认为东海冲绳海槽具备天然气水合物形成的有利地质条件,并具有良好的资源前景,值得作进一步的勘探研究。  相似文献   
7.
对战败以后被停止行使国家主权的日本来说,尽快实现媾和结束占领,恢复行使国家主权,重返国际社会是战后初期最重要的外交课题。在这一过程中,如何以最小的代价,以对己最有利的方式实现媾和成为日本各界关注的焦点。然而,一般来说何时媾和,把何种问题纳入媾和议题等均由掌握媾和主导权的战胜国来决定。二战后美苏矛盾不断激化,东西冷战的乌云迅速蔓延东亚的形势下,掌握对日占领主导权的美国,为使日本尽快成为"东亚防共防波堤",高唱对日"宽大的媾和",致使日本置喙媾和问题的机会陡然增加。在东西冷战迅速蔓延的形势下,安全保障问题和与之相联系的日本周边岛屿的处置问题,成了日本能否谋求同盟国尽早实现媾和的关键。最终日本吉田茂政府接受美军继续驻扎日本本土;牺牲冲绳人民的利益,同意美国以联合国的名义托管琉球(冲绳),日本只保留"潜在主权(或‘残存主权’)"的有限恢复主权的方式实现了同西方阵营的"多数媾和"——即事实上的"片面媾和"。  相似文献   
8.
日本冲绳由于地理及历史交往等因素,从福建汲取了很多的东西,至今冲绳的文化和饮食等许多方面依然保留着福建元素。文章从冲绳的福建元素中,阐述了冲绳的福建元素的具体表现,并探讨其存在发展之因。  相似文献   
9.
10.
二战后美苏矛盾不断激化,东西冷战的乌云迅速蔓延东亚的形势下,掌握对日占领主导权的美国,为使日本尽快成为"东亚防共防波堤",高唱对日"宽大的媾和",致使日本置喙媾和问题的机会陡然增加。在东西冷战迅速蔓延的形势下,安全保障问题和与之相联系的日本周边岛屿的处置问题,成了日本能否谋求与同盟国尽早实现媾和的关键。最终日本吉田茂政府接受美军继续驻扎日本本土;牺牲冲绳人民的利益,同意美国以联合国的名义托管琉球(冲绳),日本只保留"潜在主权(或‘残存主权’)"的有限恢复主权的方式实现了同西方阵营的"多数媾和"——即事实上的"片面媾和"。  相似文献   
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