辛亥革命时期资产阶级革命派的政体设计反思

辛亥革命结束了在中国持续长达两千余年的封建帝制，在形式上确立了资产阶级民主共和制度。这一时期，为了维护这种民主共和制度，资产阶级革命派对当时中国政体的设计可谓煞费苦心。但不管是总统制，还是责任内阁制，都因设计上的不足，不能引导中国走向富强。     

小布什及其政府违宪表象剖析

《美利坚合众国宪法》第二条第二款及第三款以枚举方式明文规定了赋予总统的权力,而美国开国元勋们更是力图在《宪法》框架内建立强有力联邦政府的同时,以《宪法》所体现的“联邦制”和“三权分立、权力制衡”原则对联邦政府及总统权力加以限制。而小布什出任美国总统至今,却一再违背其两度宣誓就职时“竭尽全力贯彻、保护和捍卫合众国宪法”的誓言,以种种理由为借口挑战《宪法》权威性,在尼克松“帝王式总统制”基础上又向前迈进了一大步。文章即旨在对小布什及其政府的违宪表象进行简要梳理分析,并就其作为给出客观公正的评价。     

Image Repair on the Donald Trump “Access Hollywood” Video: “Grab Them by the P*ssy”

In October 2016, Donald Trump was in the midst of a hotly contested and sharply divisive presidential campaign. Days before the second presidential debate, The Washington Post posted a video of Trump “having extremely lewd conversation about women in 2005.” This video and the firestorm of criticism it provoked threatened to derail his presidential run. Mr. Trump and his wife Melania Trump offered several messages to repair his damaged image. This article analyzes and evaluates these image repair messages concerning Donald Trump’s “Access Hollywood” video. In such a divisive context, the defense had no hope of repairing Trump’s image with the general public (Trump lost the popular vote by 2.9 million). Even though he lost the popular vote, the business magnate won the Electoral College. We cannot say that the “Access Hollywood” video was solely responsible for Trump’s poor popular vote showing, but it is clear that this defense did not completely dispel the cloud surrounding him.     

A Tale of Two Outliers: Evidence-Based Management in Non-ARL Research Libraries and Pre-NARA Presidential Libraries

Administrators in libraries of all types face the challenge of managing and planning in times of static or declining funding and rapidly changing technology. What tools do they use to gather and employ data for decision-making and evidence-based management? Are the same tools and techniques useful for all types of libraries? Although there are established measurements and metrics for academic libraries, there are few, if any, for others such as hybrid presidential libraries which are not part of the National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) system. This column identifies the metrics used by the pre-NARA presidential libraries and compares them to metrics used by a subgroup of Carnegie Research 1 and Research 2 libraries, those that do not participate in Association of Research Libraries (ARL) statistics program. It identifies similarities and differences.     

Presidential debate questions and the public agenda

Presidential debates have become an institutionalized component of presidential campaigns. Debates have been shown to create learning in voters and are capable of influencing vote choices. Although candidates have some control over their utterances, questions, usually asked by journalists, have a strong influence on the topics candidates can address. It is fashionable to criticize the questions posed by journalists in these “joint press conferences.” This study adds a new twist to media agenda‐setting, providing empirical evidence on the question of whether voters’ issue interests influence the topics of journalists’ questions. Results show that the questions asked by journalists in debates do not reflect the public interest. We recommend that future debates eschew the use of journalists as sources of questions for presidential debates.     

“A Widespread Loss of Confidence:” TARP,Presidential Rhetoric,and the Crisis of Neoliberalism

This article analyzes the circulation of the term “confidence” as a prominent signifier for neoliberal logics, taking George W. Bush’s response to the economic crisis in Fall 2008 as a case study. It traces the public circulation of confidence in previous presidential administrations and notes that much like previous administrations, Bush’s response to the crisis was rooted in confidence. Bush identified a loss of confidence as the underlying cause of the economic crisis, and his focus on the need to restore lost confidence allowed him to violate his traditionally conservative principles in order to save the free market. Additionally, Bush’s reliance on the term in the context of the economic crisis articulated the nation-state to the national economy through neoliberalism as a prevailing economic logic.     

When style obscures substance: Visual attention to display appropriateness in the 2012 presidential debates

As with the first televised debates in 1960, the 2012 US presidential debates accentuated the importance of nonverbal behavior in political competition, with President Obama receiving widespread criticism for his disengaged and arguably inappropriate communication style in the first debate. To investigate the perceptual impact of such nonverbal expectancy violations, this study first employs an experimental design to examine the consequence of inappropriate leader displays, operationalized as nonverbal behaviors that are incongruent with the rhetorical setting. Theoretical explanations about the evaluative consequences of inappropriate leader displays are described in light of expectancy violations theory. Results of a repeated measures eye-tracking experiment find support for the prediction that inappropriate facial expressions increase visual attention on the source of violation, prompt critical scrutiny, and elicit negative evaluations. These findings are further explored with qualitative analysis of focus group responses to key moments from the first and third presidential debates. The discussion considers the broader implications of nonverbal communication in politics and how expressive leader displays serve as meaningful cues for citizens when making sense of televised political encounters.     

美国总统否决权模式的确立

美国总统否决权模式的确立既有深厚的理论基础——制衡理论，又有历史的借鉴。授予总统否决权意味着扩大总统的权力，授予总统多大否决权是困扰制宪者的一大难题。解决这一问题的关键是应授予总统何种形式的否决权。在1787年的制宪会议上，制宪者围绕这一问题进行了激烈的讨论并最终确认了美国总统否决权模式：总统的常规否决是相对否决权；搁置否决是绝对否决权；否决权由总统独立行使。     

The very model of a modern major (media) candidate: Colin Powell and the rhetoric of public opinion

In the surfacing stage of the 1995 Presidential campaign, media attention was focused on a non‐candidate, Retired General Colin Powell. This study examines the media's justification for such attention, in light of the absence of Powell's public instigation of a campaign. Coverage of Powell as a potential candidate reflects current media practice with regard to speculative reporting and the assertion of objectivity. Application of Burke's pentad to specific coverage in TIME and Newsweek illustrates how the media uses constructions of public opinion to rhetorically justify campaign coverage of a non‐candidate, transferring agency from the candidate to the “Public.”;     

The governance in the development of public universities in China

This paper examines institutional governance of the public university in China, investigating the extent to which government has sponsored the autonomy of universities since the inception of the opening up reforms of 1978. The paper sets out to explain how the party governance system of China is interconnected with aspects of the university’s governance, little commented upon in academic literature outside of China. In particular, it explores how the Presidential Accountability System under the leadership of the University Committee of Communist Party (UCCP) operates.